With the exception of justice, which requires cross community support from unionists and nationalists, the number of ministers entitled to each party is determined by the D’Hondt system of proportional representation. Whilst in the past, smaller parties opted not to take up their entitlement as the two largest parties are allocated the positions of First and Deputy First Minister, the refusal of either to take part will result in the Executive collapse. This happened in 2017, when Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness resigned as Deputy First Minister over the Renewable Heat incentive scandal, thus removing DUP leader Arlene Foster from her position as First Minister.
Talks to restore the Executive failed with an Irish Language bill said to be a major stumbling block.
Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald said in Belfast on Friday night that the party had agreed to “re-enter the power sharing institutions and to nominate ministers to the power sharing executive.”
The deal announced by Britain’s Northern Ireland Secretary Julian Smith and Irish Tanaiste Simon Coveney offers compromise solutions to a wider range of issues.
The suspension of the Government has had an impact on services and the deal will focus on issues with health and education.
Sinn Fein has joined the DUP in backing a draft deal to restore the Northern Ireland Executive (Image: GETTY)
Simon Coveney and Julian Smith announced the proposals in the draft deal (Image: GETTY)
It also will result in the official recognition of both Irish and Ulster Scots, the Scots language as spoken in Ulster, in Northern Ireland with commissioners for both and the right to address the assembly and its committees in either language.
The draft deal also offers a reform of the petition of concern.
The mechanism was designed to prevent one community – unionist or nationalist – from dominating by mandating cross community support on votes.
The draft deal now says whilst parties can still trigger the process if 30 MLAs sign a petition to the Speaker, it will need members of at least two parties and parties will commit to using it only as a last resort.
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Mary Lou McDonald announced Sinn Fein support for the draft deal in Belfast (Image: GETTY)
Mrs Foster said the deal was not perfect but reiterated the need for compromise: “There will always need to be give and take.”
DUP chief whip Sir Jeffrey Donaldson spoke to BBC Radio Ulster’s Nolan Show and was asked about a unionist veto the Irish Language Act and said: “Unionist consent will be required.”
Sir Jeffrey added: “That is the way Stormont operates. It operates on the basis that there has to be cross-community consent.
“We will not agree to standards that impose Irish on people who don’t speak it.
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The resignation of Martin McGuinness resulted in the Executive collapsing in January 2017 (Image: GETTY)
A dual English-Irish road sign in Befast (Image: GETTY)
“There will be no compulsory Irish in schools and there will be no Irish road signs.”
A statement from Protestant unionist fraternal order, the Orange Order said: “The document, which has been released with a purposely narrow window for meaningful consideration, is clearly far reaching in its provision for the Irish language and its subsequent future role in the political and civic life of Northern Ireland.”
The statement said they could not support the proposals to appoint an Irish language commissioner.
The Order said in contrast to measures to promote the Irish Language “references to Ulster-Scots/Ulster British culture are ambiguous – lacking meaningful detail”.
They added they would comment further after further consultation with members.
Dr Niall Comer, the president of Irish language group Conradh na Gaelige said: “This legislation is undoubtedly an historic advancement for our community, and for those who wish to use the language, by providing historic official status, legal protection and an Irish language commissioner for the first time in the history of the state.”
The organisation’s Ciaran Mac Giolla Bhein said the proposals fell short of obligations made in the 2006 St Andrews Agreement which promised an Irish language based on Welsh legislation: “The complete omission of visibility and signage is hugely frustrating and will undoubtedly be a source of tension and will expose major fault-lines on contested cases of signage in the coming period.”
The Northern Ireland Assembly is based in Stormont (Image: GETTY)
Mrs Foster has led the DUP into elections in which unionism has lost its majority in the Assembly for the first time in 2017 and at the general election, unionists lost their majority of Westminster seats for the first time.
Due to the electoral wins of parties who do not identify as part of either community, nationalists do not have majorities in either and Mrs Foster has refused to resign meaning she could restart her role as First Minister.
With Ms McDonald being an elected representative in the Irish Dail Eireann, the parties deputy leader Michelle O’Neill, an MLA for Mid Ulster since 2007 and former Health Minister, could be nominated as Deputy First Minster.
